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- <text id=90TT2571>
- <title>
- Oct. 01, 1990: The Pilgrim's Slow Progress
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
- Oct. 01, 1990 David Lynch
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- WORLD, Page 66
- SOUTH AFRICA
- The Pilgrim's Slow Progress
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p>Though De Klerk's U.S. visit is symbolically important, he will
- find little succor abroad
- </p>
- <p> When F.W. De Klerk took his oath of office one year ago, few
- predicted that the cautious and conservative lawyer would move
- so quickly toward ending the scourge of apartheid. But since
- then De Klerk has been cheered by blacks during a tour of
- Soweto and booed by right-wing white students at the University
- of Pretoria.
- </p>
- <p> De Klerk's meeting with President Bush this week--the
- first such visit by a South African leader in 45 years--is
- the latest measure of how far he has brought his pariah nation.
- Bush invited De Klerk as a gesture to encourage reform; De
- Klerk welcomed the chance to put his best case forward, knowing
- that sanctions will not be lifted until he finally meets the
- various congressional requirements for doing so.
- </p>
- <p> Because De Klerk's steps have been as substantive as they
- have been swift, he deserves respect when he pledges a new deal
- for the country's 28 million blacks. Having freed Nelson
- Mandela, De Klerk has agreed to release hundreds of other
- political prisoners and has ended the state of emergency in
- much of the country. Most important, he and his National Party
- have started down a road that made De Klerk's predecessors
- tremble: toward negotiations on a new constitution that will
- finally enfranchise blacks. If everybody votes in the next
- election, this son of Afrikanerdom could be the country's last
- white President.
- </p>
- <p> Now that De Klerk has jump-started the negotiating process,
- the real question is whether he can engineer the final
- transition of power. One of the main stumbling blocks will be
- reconciling, as Mandela has put it, "the demand for majority
- rule in a unitary state" with "the concern of white South
- Africa over this demand." De Klerk's proposal for power sharing
- is to establish a constitutional mechanism that would safeguard
- "group rights," which sounds like a way of perpetuating
- privilege for the country's 5 million whites. Nonetheless
- Mandela recently endorsed the idea that the first
- post-apartheid government would be a coalition of all major
- parties.
- </p>
- <p> A more serious obstacle, perhaps, is the escalating
- violence. For months De Klerk has proved unable to persuade
- Mandela and the African National Congress to hold peace talks
- with rival leader Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi on ending the
- black-against-black fighting that has taken more than 700 lives
- since mid-August. Although the A.N.C. may include Buthelezi in
- talks with other black homeland leaders in October, Buthelezi
- has signaled that the discussions are not the direct talks with
- Mandela that he has been seeking for an end to the bloodshed.
- On the other hand, Mandela contends with some justification
- that right-wingers in De Klerk's security forces are aiding
- Buthelezi and that the President has been reluctant to put a
- tighter leash on them. Last week he charged that De Klerk's
- "Iron Fist" crackdown policies in the townships ignored the
- problem and that peaceful negotiations were in jeopardy.
- </p>
- <p> Hope remains strong that the current talks about talks will
- end and real negotiations begin by early 1991. Yet in the
- absence of a new constitutional order, De Klerk will have to
- face the white electorate again in 1994. He may thus feel
- increasingly pressured by party hard-liners to revert to the
- ways of Pretoria's repressive past if violence bogs down the
- process of reconciliation and seriously threatens white
- security.
- </p>
- <p>By Scott MacLeod/Johannesburg.
- </p>
-
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
-
-